Calypso and Calypsonian Storying: An Overview and Analysis of the Caribbean Genre
by Gus Weed
Franklin College of Arts and Sciences, Department of Religion
Music is often more muti-layered than might be anticipated, carrying in itself unobtrusive stories of people-groups, their instruments, their languages, and their beliefs (Titon 2017, 19-32). These stories likely also implicate those of the distant past or those from other cultures, as music itself is a pervasive means of intercultural communication or intracultural adaptation. The calypso is a helpful case study in this respect, and it is the intention of this paper to demonstrate through it just how deep the roots of a musical genre’s proverbial tree can run within the soil of history. With special focus on the calypso’s historical foundation, functional adaptation, and cultural implementation, this paper will evaluate the key events and figures in Caribbean history that have had an impact on the musical expression known as calypso today. As is determined throughout the paper, the calypso grew in prominence as a musical expression of defiance against European hegemony in the Caribbean and as a ritual of unity among the diversity of cultures existing in Trinidad and Tobago throughout the previous three centuries. The calypso’s history, heritage, adaptation, character, influence, and symbolism all perpetuate stories of this and provide good reason as to why the genre thrives today in the twenty-first century.
Calypso, culture, music, calypsonian, Carnival, Trinidad & Tobago
Introduction
The calypso genre of music is a socially, politically, and culturally constructed gathering of sounds as performed by the Afro-Caribbean peoples whose geographical center is primarily within the colonized islands of Trinidad and Tobago. The performative and often subtly profound genre spans centuries of recent history (18th century to present, largely), carrying with it a story of this country and the experiences of its people through dichotomies such as Slave Trade and Emancipation, Colonialism and Independence, Corruption and Freedom, as well as Cultural Suppression and Cultural Evolution. With such a complex history, the work of this paper in researching calypso aims to uncover the central aspects of its character and story: the history which informs it, the performers who perpetuate it, and the culture exhibited through it. Such will be the general outline of what follows, in order that calypso’s character, role, significance, and development throughout history for various people-groups may be explicated adequately.
Although many may focus on the political events of the later 19th century to highlight the beginning of calypso in Trinidad and Tobago, the story of the genre cannot be historically contextualized well enough without looking further back to the story of the islands themselves and the variety of indigenous and nonindigenous peoples that have dwelled therein. Situated comfortably as the southernmost islands in the Caribbean and narrowly divided from Venezuela by the Gulf of Paria, Trinidad and Tobago were not always united as one – a union which some in the modern day have colloquially called “Trinbago” (Riggio 1988, 8). Trinidad, being the larger of the two, is estimated to have been home to roughly forty thousand indigenous residents by the time Christopher Columbus claimed it “for the Holy Trinity” – marking the beginning of the colonial dominance of European and Christian influence in this geographical area – and, more immediately, for Spain in 1498 BC, naming the island ‘Trinidad’ accordingly (Riggio 1988, 9; Edwards 2013). Following through the 17th and 18th centuries, colonizers of the island were few, peaking in the 1780s with incentivized agriculturalists and Roman Catholics from France. Such economic and religious influencers brought with them the development of sugar and cotton “plantations” and a subsequent influx of “many slaves . . . from the other colonies and Africa” (Brereton 2025).
History: African Impact in Trinidad and Tobago
African culture in particular is ascribed a prominent role in this period of Trinidadian history, as in others, and it is this piece of context which requires further extrapolation for the purposes of the story and character of the calypso. During the pre-emancipation period, the mostly-French Catholics celebrated what was known as Carnival in the weeks leading up to Lent, and this was consequently enforced (directly and indirectly) onto the lives of African slaves in Trinidad and Tobago. As a result, Africans celebrated their own culture under the guise of Carnival in the “end-of-harvest” celebrations held in their conjunctive “Conboulay” street processions during the same time of year (Fairley 2001). Often discriminated against for being unsavory to the Europeans, these Conboulay events featured “African song” styles like the “gayup” (a West African work song) and “kaiso” (both a West African musical style and exclamation), often in “African-based creole” languages (Davies 1985, 78; Hill 1967, 365; Fairley 2001). Additionally, the performative “kalindas” stick-fighting duels and, particularly, their associated “lavways” songs led by “chantwell” leaders – much akin to later calypsonians – are essential “antecedents” to the calypso, both in their comedic praise of prized champions (including the performer) and fierce critique of opponents (Randel 2003, 326-8). The African nature of these celebrations was later repressed under British rule, which is discussed below, but it is with these early African musical forms of expression, languages, and tradition that calypso as unique to Trinidad and Tobago develops its character and takes form as both a heritage and a weapon. Thus, Trinidad and Tobago’s calypso, as Milla Riggio argues, derives from a lineage and context which intentionally “preserve elements of African cultures of origin on the part of a displaced people” and in so doing “play out forms of resistance to . . . the “masters” of the plantocracy” (Riggio 1988, 13). In light of the Titon world-music model, the genre is historically and socially associated and in participation with ideas and practices of cultural connection and reconnection, bridging the past with the present in nuanced ways for an increasingly diverse country (Titon 2017, 20).
This increase in diversity is first realized as the 18th century French dominance in the island pushed Spain’s interests elsewhere, leading to the eventual Spanish resignation of Trinidad to another developing colonizing force, Britain, in 1797. This is an important pivot in the story for the island’s union with its already British-controlled neighbor Tobago in the 19th century. Under British colonialism, the conjoined islands saw an end to the slave trade and official Emancipation in 1834. The result of this was increased need for indentured workers to supplement the lost labor, leading to the eventual “constellation of religions, as well as a kaleidoscope of cultures” within the collection of “Spanish, French, English, Africans, (East) Indians, Irish, Germans, Corsicans, Chinese, Syrians, Portuguese, Canadians, Lebanese, and . . . more” that eventually migrated there in the mid-to-late 19th century (Hill 1967, 361-62; Riggio 1988, 9-10).
Heritage: The Cultural Tension Behind Calypso
Leading toward the 20th century, the calypso genre began to emerge as a conjunctive to ‘Conboulay’ processional traditions of ‘kalindas’ and others. Although the 19th century British colonialism brought Trinidad and Tobago freedom from the slave trade and slavery as an institution, the political dominance of European ideas continued to pervade policy regulation of non-European celebrations, instruments, and music. The “Conboulay riots of 1881” erupted by Europeans in response to the “incendiary” African-creole and French-creole languages of the Afro-Carribean freedom songs sung during the processionals and the subsequent “censorship” of the such songs are essential examples of the resultant tension (Davies 1985, 78-9). Crackdowns from the local government, as seen with the Music Bill of 1883, which perpetuated this censorship were the impetus of the genres’ language switch to (mostly) English from African or French based creole for its text. Restrictions also came upon the “religious and social observances” of East Asians, Indians, and Africans, indicted for their “barbaric” forms of “music-making” and “dancing and drumming” with Afro-Caribbean membranophones rather than traditional European instruments (Aho 1987, 29-30). It is understandable, then, that the intermixing of numerous nationalities underneath European political and cultural dominance fostered widespread sentiments of “territorial struggle” and “defiance against colonial authority,” which continued to be essential characteristics of the calypso as time progressed (Fairley 2001). With these restrictions, culturally significant musical and performance traditions like ‘kalindas’ and the ‘Conboulay’ became malleable and consequently transitioned into being the musical and cultural framework for calypso and Carnival as more recently known within Trinidad and Tobago. In this manner, the calypso is a genre that signals Trinidadian and Tobaggan tradition development and resilience through social activity and movement, connecting further with Titon’s model of the activities involving music in culture-groups (Titon 2017, 24-7).
Adaptation: The Shifts to Preserve Calypso
The first alleged recording of calypso using English, deriving from this historical context, is provided by Rounder Records’ Calypso Pioneers 1912-1937, which featured Julian Whiterose’s track titled “Iron Duke In The Land” recorded in 1914 (Spottswood and Hill 1989). Whiterose’s composition, whose calypsonian name is Iron Duke, gives a glimpse into the transition of languages, as well as the continued functionality of the calypso genre in Trinidadian culture. The text he sings is almost entirely in English, yet it invokes the French-creole phrase “sans humanité” at the end of each stanza, which Erroll Hill etymologically characterizes as “a lack of mercy” or pity, almost literally as a compounded translation of the African word “kaiso,” mentioned above. Calypsonians like Iron Duke would end their verses this way to reinforce the subversive nature of the genre’s summary and critique of social and political events or persons, and, arguably, to call to mind the languages previously used in the genre, European or indigenous (Hill 1967, 364-5). This phrase also indicates the improvisational nature of the performances given during this time, as calypsonians would compose their text impromptu as means of spreading stories or besmirching reputations of opponents. Crowley suggests the incorporation of the phrase and musical structure into calypso during its early, formal development was a derivation “directly from kalenda song” traditions (Crowley 1959, 62). Beyond “sans humanité,” the text predictably demonstrates Whiterose’s boast in his calypsonian name and fame as “teacher and lord adulator” turned “supervisor of the cause and lord emphasizer” (Spottswood and Hill 1989). Such boasting and self-proclaiming language in the sans humanité style draws upon the historic roots of calypso from the similarly provocative and self-congradulatory kalindas or lavways, invoking Titon’s model again as the genre’s repertoire develops and preserves Trinidad and Tobaggan sentiments through time by the layering of traditional song structure and performance (Titon 2017, 27-9).
Character: Calypso’s Emerging Local and Melody
Whiterose’s performance and recording of this vocal calypso marked his transition – and, subsequently, that of many to come – from the African-based “chantuwell” to the Trinidad-and-Tobaggan-based calypso “tent singer,” where calypsos of the 20th century began to be performed and judged competitively in the winter and spring months leading up to Carnival (Meschino n.d.). Trinidad’s capital city Port of Spain holds both the popular “Old Brigade” and “Young Brigade” tents, which themselves house the competitions between professional calypsonians like Whiterose (Crowley 1959, 63). It is inside these tents that stringed instruments were commonly used for accompaniment, as can be heard supporting Whiterose in “Iron Duke In The Land.” In fact, Whiterose’s calypso, featuring such stringed accompaniment and eight-lined stanzas, epitomizes the general melodic and social framework of the genre, as the instruments were often played in “duple” meters and “in the major mode” to encourage dancing and “enthusiastic group participation” with the text in the choruses (Fairly 2001).
Carnival competitions are centered around group participation, which is central to the calypso both during and after the annual Carnival for the genre and its performers. Within the calypso tents, it would be determined through audience rating which calypsos were to be kept or discarded for that year’s Carnival processions and celebrations. Annually, then, the calypso adapted to the liking of its audiences, while melodically the new compositions often kept their melodies the same (or slightly adjusted) as calypsos in the past and instead focused on renovating the text. This, arguably, had become common practice through the early-to-mid 20th century, as researchers suggest that almost all calypsonian melodies were “annually . . . composed, often set to preexisting” melodies – possibly “less than fifty,” according to some – whereas the texts themselves had to be “fresh and clever” to catch attention (Crowley 1959, 63; Randel 2003, 328). What is most striking when comparing calypso melodic patterns in the context of these competitions is the shared importance of how the reusable melody serves the memorability of the text. Calypsonians during this time in Trinidadian history made their living off improvising satirical lyrics, telling local and governmental stories with tones of criticism or humor, and doing so all year between Carnival celebrations, solidifying the need for a savvy and memorable text that relates to the social circumstances of Trinidadian and Tobaggan culture. More immediately, if an artist participated in those like the “Road March” or “Calypso King” competitions, their lyrics had to be “focused on topics of political, social, and cultural interest to Trinbagonians in order to win” (Simonelli 2016). As calypso gained popularity within and around Carnival in Trinidad and Tobago, its melodic framework was often seen to highlight its textual commentary on social or cultural topics in this manner and for these reasons.
Influence: A Calypsonian in Culture
Calypsonians throughout the 20th century, sometimes existing as groups of singers or more commonly separate from them as their own act, grew in popularity locally and internationally according to their large role in the calypso’s attention-grabbing nature. A prominent figure in this vein is one Slinger Francisco, whose calypsonian name on stage is Mighty Sparrow. Having been a migrant from Grenada to Trinidad and Tobago in 1937 with his family, Francisco was accustomed with the political, social, and religious overtones surrounding the Caribbean and its colonial history, singing in Catholic school-choirs by day and listening to calypso performances by night (Simonelli 2016). As he grew up, Francisco’s own ability to perform was realized inside a calypso tent in the 1950s, where his “shaking” hips and “shuffling” feet emulated a “little sparrow,” inspiring the basis for his calypsonian name (Simonelli 2016). Francisco’s fame increased more as he became influential in the way Carnival and its competitions adapted to address the needs of calypsonians, who were often economically struggling, and to include more racial diversity. His calypso “Carnival Boycott” in 1957 caught governmental attention and paved the way for the “government-sponsored Carnival Development Committee” and “mutual assistance organizations” to fundamentally aid with the resolution of these issues (Simonelli 2016).
Francisco’s influence was not felt only on the local sphere, as his calypsos also began to feed the growing embers of fiery calls for independence spreading through the Caribbean islands in the 1960s. His famous song “Yankees Gone” (also titled “Jean and Dinah”), recorded in 1956 by Emory Cook, memorialized one of the first steps toward independence for Trinidad and Tobago: the withdrawal of American troops from the islands (Bilby and Warner 2000, track 8-9). This, of course, was accomplished through his proficient use of “the traditional cultural language of the calypso,” namely “sexual braggadocio and local hooliganism,” in the song’s text about prostitutes mourning the Americans’ exit (Simonelli 2016). Additionally, Francisco’s use of the steel drum processional with this song is a notable instrumental development to be discussed below. Meanwhile, the People’s National Movement gained traction in Trinidad and Tobago’s political landscape as the 1960s approached, for which Francisco’s calypsos served both as a support (initially) and a critique (given later). An example of the former supportive role in the PNM’s beginnings was his song “William the Conqueror” (1958), in reference to the “nationalist vision” of Trinidad and Tobago’s first prime minister, Dr. Eric Williams. Conversely, Francisco’s opposition to the political movement was cemented later in his critique of the government’s apparent lack of “helping the poor” in his calypso “No, Doctor, No” (Simonelli 2016; Bilby and Warner 2000, track 5). Internationally, calypsonians like Francisco gained prominence as their musical efforts became recognized as politically influential and socially edifying, particularly as Trinidad and Tobago’s independence came in 1962.
Symbolism: The Steel Drum and Calypso Storying
In accordance with the development of the role of calypsonian prominence during this portion of the 20th century, so also did the role of the steel drum take an important position within the genre. On the other side of British restrictions on the musicking integral to “African cultural practices” mentioned previously, “poorer sections” of Trinidad, particularly in Port of Spain, resorted to “banging on steel” to emulate lost or limited African-percussive instruments (Aho 1987, 31). The steel was quickly seen to have “melodic capabilities” and was itself memorialized as a symbol of resistance to colonial and imperial pressures on lower-class or racially marginalized peoples of Trinidad and the Caribbean at large (Aho 1987, 34-5). This was the impetus of the instrument now known as the steel drum, which is hammered in to create a variety of pitches and which accompanies the calypsos performed in Trinidad and Tobaggan Carnival street processionals much like those mentioned earlier. Musicians who are famous for the steel drum are celebrated as “national heroes” alongside political figures, or even above them, and “community bands” of steel drums from urban and rural areas generate great pride for those people in their culture and history together (Aho 1987, 34-5). In connection to Titon’s model, the Organology and history of the steel drum is an example of how calypso’s material culture of music perpetuates the story of a resilient effort to simultaneously preserve and adapt cultural pride in cultural history (Titon 2017, 30-1).
The steel drum itself is a noteworthy part of the calypso genre, and is, in the purposes of this review, a fitting encapsulation of its story. Calypso, like its steel drum, did not appear from thin air, but was itself an innovation of previously prized and historically discriminated cultural heritages and practices. This story of subtle yet thriving cultural resilience and, when needed, defiance continues through to the modern day, where the event of Carnival, the musicking of calypso, and their associated “cultural recall” in the Caribbean “diaspora” continue to be threatened by questions of international “legitimacy” and fears of “commercial interests” dominating over “the spirit of Trinidadians” (Riggio 1988, 18-9; Green and Scher 2007, 63-167). Yet, the calypso genre continues to adapt and persevere, serving to function as another layer of Trinidad and Tobaggan tradition upon which more genres have taken roots, like soca or chutney, which result from the islands’ continual and rich cultural accretion from Indo-Caribbean influences. In this manner, calypso has been and continues to be an integral storytelling device for the people-groups of Trinidad and Tobago, as well as being in and of itself a rich story of their belief in and development toward resilience, freedom, and celebration.
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Acknowledgments: I would love to thank my professor Dr. Jean Kidula and her TA, James Ndertiru Kiragu, for pushing me in regards to my writing capabilities in the field of ethnomusicology. Thanks also to all who gave me feedback on this paper, including Tiffany Robertson, Carmen Seckinger, and Phil Weed.
Citation Style: Chicago II (B)