Culture and the Consumption of Bushmeat:
Considerations for Conservation
by Amy Zhou
College of Veterinary Medicine
Many past conservation efforts combating bushmeat consumption have failed due to a lack of understanding of the cultural motivations behind the practice. In urban areas, bushmeat consumption continues despite the availability of cheaper protein alternatives due to social and cultural pressures. In rural areas, Indigenous groups may have a different construction of reality that renders Western arguments for conservation moot. Therefore, cultural factors must be considered when constructing an effective conservation plan.
ontology, bushmeat, culture
Introduction
Bushmeat is defined as meat derived from wildlife, often hunted and sold illegally (Evans, 2012). It is consumed as a subsistence protein source and sold commercially in local and urban markets. Many people, especially in Africa and South America, depend on bushmeat to meet their personal dietary requirements — in fact, wild caught meat can make up as much as 80% of a person’s protein intake in the Congo Basin (Evans, 2012).
Unfortunately, this practice has become increasingly unsustainable in recent years. Logging inroads built in the 1980s facilitated the trade of bushmeat, turning a previously sustainable subsistence practice into an unsustainable commercial trade (Goodall, 2014). Should unviable hunting practices continue, they would lead to the loss of a significant source of nutrients and income for poor rural communities, the disappearance of traditional cultural practices and Indigenous cultural identities, and the extirpation or even extinction of large-bodied animals (Wilkie et al., 2016).
The economic and practical reasons behind bushmeat consumption are well-established. Hunting provides both a source of income and nutrition in rural areas where raising livestock is difficult, such as in heavily forested or mountainous terrain. Hunters may sell meat to restaurants and live animals to the pet trade to obtain money for clothing or cigarettes (Ferriera da Silva et al., 2021). Hunting is also more financially accessible than purchasing meat for consumption: in Guinea Bissau, for example, a bullet is $0.63 while a chicken is $1.85. (Ferriera da Silva et al., 2021). Thus, in low-income rural areas hunting continues to be a more appealing option out of economic necessity.
Though affordability is an influential element, there are other factors that instigate the hunting and consumption of bushmeat. Culture has a significant impact on the continual consumption of bushmeat after access to it becomes difficult (Morsello et al., 2015); as a result, deterring the consumption of bushmeat through legislation that targets hunting and trade is not effective. Despite laws banning the hunting and sale of protected species such as chimpanzees, these meats are sold openly in markets in Sierra Leone (Jenkins & Lawundeh, 2025). Fines are not prohibitive, with perpetrators paying the fee and then continuing to hunt or consume bushmeat (Jenkins & Lawundeh, 2025). This is especially true in urban environments, where many have the financial resources to preferentially select bushmeat despite higher prices from fines. Many past conservation efforts have also failed due to inadequate framing to establish relevancy (Yocum et al., 2022). The cultural motivations behind bushmeat consumption, however, require more research. Indigenous cultures often have unique constructions of reality, called cultural ontologies, that are fundamentally different from Western worldviews. Regulations inconsistent with a culture’s ontology are likely to fail due to low adherence because there is a perceived logical incongruency. Establishing an understanding of a society’s culture and ontology is imperative for cooperative conservation to take place.
Sociocultural Influence Driving Bushmeat Consumption in Urban Areas
Although there is a decrease in consumption when income allows for the purchase of livestock proteins but not for bushmeat, bushmeat consumption is positively correlated with income when there is cultural significance (Morsello et al., 2015). Bushmeat is chosen over cheaper locally produced domestic livestock and imported frozen meats despite the expense and comparatively low prevalence in urban markets. The urban demand for bushmeat drives the over-harvesting of wildlife in rural communities to meet the demand of urban consumers — of the 5 million tons of bushmeat estimated to be consumed in Central and West Africa annually, 1 million tons flow to urban markets in the Democratic Republic of Congo alone (Nana et al., 2022).
Though there are some generational differences, the preference for bushmeat in urban areas is largely connected with tradition, health, and social prestige. Many members of older generations prefer bushmeat because it is the food that they and their ethnic group have traditionally eaten. When interviewed, older generations in Pointe Noire, Republic of Congo stated they ate bushmeat to remain connected to their childhood diet and their culture as Bantu or as Africans (Chausson et al., 2019). People who believe that bushmeat is integral to their cultural identity are more likely to consume it, preferring it over domesticated animals and including a wider variety of wild animals in their diet (Morsello et al., 2015). As a result, bushmeat consumption prevails in older generations who live in urban environments and try to maintain a connection to their cultural identity.
However, the older generation’s dietary preferences also have a significant influence on the food eaten in their household. Bushmeat is often reserved for the male head of house (Chausson et al., 2019). When the head of house comes from a culture that preferentially consumes bushmeat, there is an associated increase in the household’s overall consumption of it (Mbete, 2011). The head of house may request his wife to procure bushmeat, and wives may suggest purchasing it to accommodate their husband’s tastes (Chausson et al., 2019). Heads of households initiate the purchase and consumption of bushmeat in families, passing down their preferences to their wives and children. It is likely that those children will also continue bushmeat consumption in their future households out of habit.
Though influenced by tradition, younger generations among the Congolese prioritize healthier meat options. Frozen imported meats were perceived as unhealthy because of excess human manipulation, with concern about how the animals were raised, slaughtered, and stored (Chausson et al., 2019). These concerns may originate from medical professional’s advice to not consume frozen meat because of its poor quality and media reports of vendors attempting to sell expired frozen meats (Chausson et al., 2019). As a result, there is a cultural preference for fresh foods: animals that have eaten only natural products throughout their lifetimes, like bushmeat, are seen as healthy and therefore preferable. Though fish caught in local rivers and locally raised wildlife are also well accepted, 93.8% of households reported that bushmeat was more natural and therefore more healthy than other types of meat (Mbete, 2011). In fact, people believe that consuming bushmeat carries such health benefits as aging more slowly and rarely falling ill (Chausson et al., 2019). Although the risk of zoonotic diseases was acknowledged among surveyed populations, many people felt that worrisome zoonotic diseases were not present in their area and they procured the meat from trusted vendors to mitigate the risk (Chausson et al., 2019). To many, the health benefits of bushmeat outweighed the potential risk presented by disease, and the overemphasis on the possibility of illness by foreign conservation organizations may be seen as fearmongering.
Furthermore, bushmeat plays a large role in social interactions in Central Africa and South America. It is perceived to be a rare and luxurious product (Chausson et al., 2019); because of its associated prestige, bushmeat is given as gifts for reciprocation and favors in both the Amazon Basin and in Central Africa (Morsello et al., 2015). It is procured for special occasions such as birthdays, festivals, weddings, and other celebrations. In some parts of Africa, bushmeat traditionally consumed in the groom’s culture is expected to be provided by the bride’s family during the wedding (Chausson et al., 2019). Thus, being able to procure and afford bushmeat is seen as a status symbol and even an obligation for social functions.
Religion, Identity, and Cultural Ontology: The Waiwai
Religion and tradition are significant factors that can predict dietary preferences of a group. Bushmeat is deeply connected to the identities and cultural practices of many Indigenous tribes, with animist households (those who believe that plants, objects, and natural phenomena have souls) more likely to participate in bushmeat consumption (Morsello et al., 2015). In Gabon, bushmeat is associated with many culturally important rituals and ceremonies, such as ceremonies for men’s circumcision (Nasi et al., 2011). The hunting of specific species can be associated with certain Indigenous tribes, and members of that community may identify themselves with their traditional prey. The Waiwai from the Amazon in Guyana and Brazil, for example, identify with the hunting of primates which sets them apart from the surrounding Indigenous groups (Shaffer et al., 2018).
The Waiwai preferentially hunt spider monkeys for their taste and their fat for use as cooking oil during the wet season, which has contributed to the increased extinction risk of the local species (Shaffer et al., 2018). Consuming primates is seen as an integral part of their cultural identity: those who marry into the tribe but are unwilling to eat primates are not viewed as completely Waiwai (Shaffer et al., 2018). Furthermore, masculinity is measured by hunting prowess. Good hunters have a higher social status and can obtain better marriage offers (Shaffer et al., 2018). The hunting and consumption of primates does not only constitute an important subsistence resource, but also plays a large role in Waiwai society, culture, and identity.
The Waiwai’s cultural ontology affects their hunting behaviors. The act of hunting is viewed as a form of generalized reciprocity with animal persons known as –yim, and hunters describe it as the individual animals ‘giving’ themselves to the hunter as a gift from the animal person (Shaffer et al., 2018). The availability of prey is controlled by the –yim; the lack of prey is believed to be caused by a violation between the society and the animal person (Shaffer et al., 2018). At the same time, if the prey given to them by the spirit is not properly received, the spirit would not continue providing them with gifts (Shaffer et al., 2018). Since the Waiwai’s unique religion and worldview shape their understanding of why species become scarce, their explanation of this phenomenon would always differ from the scientific one that comes from an outside observer.
This kind of ontology is common in traditional communities in the Amazon Basin. As a result, the use of ‘sustainable’ and ‘unsustainable’ vocabulary to dissuade hunting behaviors is ineffective. The Waiwai, for example, are doubtful of the idea that primates may disappear as a result of unsustainable hunting. According to their perception, the spirits would continue to gift them with prey as long as the social contract is followed, and general reciprocity is continued (Shaffer et al., 2018). Although they reported primates being located further away from where they had been in the past, this was viewed as the work of -yim moving them to a different area instead of the species becoming scarce due to overhunting (Shaffer et al., 2018).
Constructing a conservation plan must consider how societies comprehend reality to frame conservation in a way that is relevant to them. Setting a hunting quota would not work for the Waiwai since the number of animals they hunt is determined by the animal spirit and not dictated by the government (Shaffer et al., 2018). Because of this belief, adherence to a hunting quota would likely be low, and strict enforcement would only lead to resentment and decreased future cooperation. Conversely, societies like the Waiwai are more amenable to closed seasons, similar to their practice of fallowing (Shaffer et al., 2018).
Discusison
The continued consumption of bushmeat does not solely rely on economic factors or availability, but also on culture. Reducing bushmeat consumption in cities is reliant on changing the perception of other protein sources. Frozen meat is much cheaper than hunted meat but is less trusted due to widespread concern over its nutritional quality and safety. Further regulation of the sale of frozen proteins can reduce this perception. Sustainable fishing and producing more local livestock can also fulfill society’s requirements for fresh, untampered, healthy meat. The commercial farming of bushmeat is another option to meet the consumer demand of traditionalists. Farming bushmeat is far more sustainable than hunting and can help meet the immense consumer demand. Common species such as duikers, red river hogs, and cane rats can be farmed commercially, so the social uses of bushmeat can be carried out without putting endangered species at risk. In areas where farming livestock is difficult and requires an enormous amount of clear cutting to create pastures, raising cane rats is an option. Cane rats require little space compared to other livestock and are still perceived as bushmeat and, therefore, healthy by locals. Promoting these alternative protein options can potentially reduce urban bushmeat consumption, as many may not be aware of the availability of commercially bred wild animals (Mbete, 2011).
For Indigenous groups, bushmeat is an important food source that also maintains cultural identity. For these communities, ontology and culture must be understood before imposing new restrictions. Pilot studies to deepen understanding of a community’s ontology should be carried out prior to developing conservation strategies because, to be effective, regulations must be consistent with the Indigenous peoples’ understanding of the world. If regulations are not culturally relevant and understandable, adherence to them may not be high. In turn, this lack of adherence renders the legislation ineffective. Campaigns should be congruent to the ontology of locals, and outside conservation organizations should not assume that their arguments are culturally universal. Indigenous cultures must be understood first before any legislation affecting their hunting behaviors can be effective.
References
Chausson, A.M., Rowcliffe, J.M., Escouflaire, L., Wieland, M., & Wright, J.H. (2019). Understanding the Sociocultural Drivers of Urban Bushmeat Consumption for Behavior Change Interventions in Pointe Noire, Republic of Congo. Human Ecology, 47, 179–191. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-019-0061-z
Evans, K. (2012, November 23). Bushmeat stories: Voices from the Congo Basin. Our World. https://ourworld.unu.edu/en/bushmeat-stories-voices-from-the-congo-basin
Ferriera da Silva, M.J., Minhós, T., Sá, R., Casanova, C., & Bruford, M.W. (2021). A Qualitative Assessment of Guinea-Bissau’s Hunting History and Culture – and Their Implications for Primate Conservation. African Primates, 15, 1–18. https://orca.cardiff.ac.uk/id/eprint/151448
Goodall, J. (2014, September 30). The illegal commercial bushmeat trade in Central and West Africa. United Nations. https://www.un.org/en/chronicle/article/illegal-commercial-bushmeat-trade-central-and-west-africa
Jenkins, J., Lawundeh, W. (2025). Wildlife lost in translation: Understanding low compliance with outdated wildlife hunting legislation in Sierra Leone. Conservation Science and Practice, 7(8), e70090. https://doi.org/10.1111/csp2.70090
Mbete, R.A., Banga-Mboko, H., Racey, P., Mfoukou-Ntsakala, A., Nganga, I., Vermeulen, C., Jean-Louis, D., Hornick, J., & Leroy, P. (2011). Household Bushmeat Consumption in Brazzaville, the Republic of the Congo. Tropical Conservation Science, 4(2), 187-202. https://doi.org/10.1177/194008291100400207
Morsello, C., Yagüe, B., Beltreschi, L., van Vliet, N., Adams, C., Schor, T., Quiceno-Mesa, M.P., & Cruz, D. (2015). Cultural attitudes are stronger predictors of bushmeat consumption and preference than economic factors among urban Amazonians from Brazil and Colombia. Ecology and Society, 20(4). https://doi.org/10.5751/es-07771-200421
Nana, E.D., Njabo, K.Y., Tarla, F.N., Tah, EK., Mavakala, K., Iponga, D.M., Demetrio, B.M., Kinzonzi, L., Embolo, L.E., & Mpouam, S. (2022). Putting conservation efforts in Central Africa on the right track for interventions that last. Conservation Letters, 15, e12913. https://doi.org/10.1111/conl.12913
Nasi, R., Taber, A., & Van Vliet, N. (2011). Empty forests, empty stomachs? Bushmeat and livelihoods in the Congo and Amazon Basins. The International Forestry Review, 13(3), 355–368. https://doi.org/10.1505/146554811798293872
Shaffer, C. A., Milstein, M. S., Suse, P., Marawanaru, E., Yukuma, C., Wolf, T. M., & Travis, D.A. (2018). Integrating Ethnography and Hunting Sustainability Modeling for Primate Conservation in an Indigenous Reserve in Guyana. International Journal of Primatology, 39(5), 945–968. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10764-018-0066-2
Wilkie, D.S., Wieland, M., Boulet, H., Le Bel, S., van Vliet, N., Cornelis, D., BriacWarnon, V., Nasi, R., & Fa, J.E. (2016), Eating and conserving bushmeat in Africa. African Journal of Ecology, 54, 402-414. https://doi.org/10.1111/aje.12392
Yocum, L.F., Vanegas, L., & Day, B.A. (2022). From the forest to the fork: Why we need to “reframe conservation” for conservation behavior change campaigns. Applied Environmental Education & Communication, 21(1), 3–6. https://doi.org/10.1080/1533015X.2022.2025653
Acknowledgements: Thanks to Dr. Roberta Salmi for assisting in the direction of this paper.
Citation Style: APA